Abeaming Liu Biwei, China’s ambassador to Ireland, stands at the doorway of his residence on Dublin’s Ailesbury Road, a veritable ‘Ramsay Street’ for international diplomats.

Liu’s ear-to-ear smile is an instant image jolt – a counterpoint to the stony-faced diplomat who flashed across Irish television screens last April, when he abruptly departed a Green Party conference after Minister John Gormley criticised China’s human rights record in Tibet (and also referred to Tibet, officially a territory of China, as a country).

Liu, who radiates a genuinely effervescent persona, speaks quite candidly about the controversy later in this interview, which is predominantly conducted through an embassy interpreter. Like many Chinese in Ireland, Liu says he’s in the process of improving his English.

This is Liu’s fourth diplomatic assignment outside China, having commenced his overseas career in a famine-ravished Ethiopia in the early 1980s, before stints in Laos (he studied Laotian at university) and as Chinese consul-general in New York from 2003 until late 2007. Originally from Hunan province in southern China, he was dispatched to Ireland in December to fill the top ranking of ambassador.

He admits Ireland is not a country he was overly familiar with, but that he gleamed some information from newspapers, television, and from friends who had worked here. Ireland’s people are “hospitable”, remarks the ambassador, who adds that Chinese people were “deeply moved” by Ireland’s humanitarian response to the Sichuan earthquake in May, which killed more than 70,000 people and left millions homeless.

NEXT YEAR, Ireland and China will mark the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic links. As China’s economy continues to grow exponentially, Irish businesses have sought a piece of the pie. Liu says that more than 300 Irish companies have established representative offices in China, “while China is making more and more investments in Ireland”. He says Ireland is a leader in education, biological technology and ICT – and China has a large market. He points out that trade between Ireland and China amounted to only $5.15m in 1979, but in 2007 the trade volume hit €6bn.

The extensive Chinese population in Ireland is the most tangible link between the two countries, however. A cursory glance at the faces on Ireland’s main city streets will reveal that this country is now home to a substantial ethnic Chinese population. Just how substantial, however, is something of a mystery. Ongoing confusion surrounds the number of Chinese in Ireland, who constitute a small Cantonese-speaking population who settled here over a number of decades, and a younger, larger and more recent influx of predominantly Mandarin-speaking Chinese. The 2006 census put the Chinese population in the Republic of Ireland at just over 11,000 – a figure which, like other census statistics relating to the size of non-Irish communities, has been widely questioned (even by Integration Minister Conor Lenihan). China’s ambassador says he is also unsure about the figure, but agrees it is substantially more than that suggested in Ireland’s last census.

“I’ve been here for seven months and I’ve also had many talks with the Chinese community and some Irish officials, but no one can give me the exact figure,” he reveals. “I think maybe around 80,000, maybe less or more than that.” One theory on the disparity between the figures is the possibility that a significant number of Chinese are working in illegal employment, perhaps having entered the country on student visas which they overstayed, or via bogus language schools. Liu says that he fully agrees that the “phenomenon” of bogus language schools is a problem.

“The two cases – one is exploitation [of bona fide students] and another is getting a student visa to work – both of these are not right. I’d be strongly opposed to it. And it’s necessary for the Chinese and Irish education authorities to work together to strengthen our profession and management [of the issue],” he comments.

It certainly appears that the Chinese are one of the biggest immigrant groups in Ireland, and are particularly visible in urban centres, where they tend to concentrate. Most Chinese are students at third-level institutions or at language schools, but a considerable number man the frontline of Ireland’s retail and fast food outlets in order to fund their studies.

The National Employment Rights Authority (Nera) this year appointed speakers of Polish, Lithuanian, Russian and Czech to its Labour Inspectorate, which investigates cases of workplace exploitation. A position for a “Chinese speaker” was advertised but not filled. It appears that the position will be re-advertised at some stage. Nevertheless, does the ambassador feel that it is wrong that Ireland, in 2008, does not have a Mandarin speaker to help clamp down on exploitation of Chinese immigrants?

“Personally I think that it is a pity,” he responds. “It would be ideal to have a Mandarin speaker so that communication would be easier. I don’t think it is wrong, but it would be ideal if we had someone.”

THE CHINESE are popularly perceived as a nationality that sticks to its own, within the dimensions of a work-study regime with almost unbending boundaries. Chinese immigrants, meanwhile, often point to the exorbitant third-level fees that they, as non-EU nationals, are subject to in Ireland. This situation often results in a requirement to work during their ‘free’ time – obviously creating a scenario whereby their opportunity to forge friendships with other nationalities is lessened.

Yet the Chinese ambassador adopts a positive outlook towards Chinese integration in Ireland, noting that he has encountered “some Chinese who are married to different nationalities”, and he also confirms that he has met with Integration Minister Conor Lenihan “several times”.

Liu likens the Chinese and Irish to a newly married couple, who are still in the process of getting to know one another better.

“As you know – China and Ireland – one is in the eastern part of the globe, the other on the western part – we have different cultures and traditions, so the way we look at things is different. For example, when a Chinese man or woman gets married, after the marriage they need some time to go well with each other and get used to each other and their habits.”

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On the issue of high college fees, and the fact that non-EU students can legally work for only 20 hours per week, Liu confirms that he has not yet approached Irish officials to discuss this dual issue.

“I’ve not raised that issue with the relevant Irish authorities yet. There are several reasons why. Firstly I have not been here long, I am still trying my best to get acquainted [with such issues].”

“First of all I should respect the laws and regulations here, and meanwhile I should do my best to improve the rights of students here. I hope to appropriately handle this with more discussion and learning.”

Meanwhile, something that Liu is clear about fully supporting is the proposition of Chinese nationals contesting next summer’s Irish local elections, which non-Irish nationals can participate and vote in.

“I think it would be a good thing for Chinese people,” he says. “They should serve and make a contribution to the resident country and also serve the motherland… And we hope they could integrate very well in the local community.

“If we have some Chinese people who are qualified to participate in politics here I think it’s good for them, so that they can serve the resident community, and make the linking between the government and the community better.”

It would also be a means of raising the profile and accessibility of a community that still lingers on the periphery of Irish life – despite being central characters in the day-to-day urban landscape. The annual Chinese New Year festival in Dublin, organised by members of the Chinese community with Dublin City Council, is one of the few occasions when interaction with the Chinese heightens, but some Chinese say that the festival would be more authentic if it was controlled primarily by the Chinese themselves.

Liu attended the 2008 celebrations in Dublin, and says he found it “very interesting and enjoyable”. Remarking that the involvement of Chinese people ultimately gives such an event its authenticity, he adds: “I think if we work together it is more meaningful, so that the joint co-operation between Dublin City Council and the Chinese community can lead more Irish people to understand about Chinese people and culture.”

TOMORROW AT 8PM China Standard Time (08/08/08), the Olympic Games will be officially opened in Beijing. Eight is a lucky number in China, and following a lead-up marked by controversy over its human rights record (not to mention the terrorist attack which has killed 16 policemen in the Xinjiang region), China will be hoping some of this luck will rub off on the event itself.

Dogged by persistent questions from respected human rights organisations concerning its approach to press freedoms and human rights, the spotlight on China has grown ever more intense as the games approach.

Last week, Amnesty International released its report Broken Promises, published to mark a 10-day countdown to the games. It evaluated the performance of the Chinese authorities in four areas related to the core Olympic values of ‘universal fundamental ethical principles’ and ‘human dignity’: these included persecution of human rights activists, detention without trial, censorship and the death penalty.

The report concluded that in most of these areas, human rights have deteriorated since Amnesty’s previous report in April. Amnesty contended that in the run-up to the Olympics, the Chinese authorities have locked up, put under house arrest and forcibly removed individuals they believe may threaten the image of “stability” and “harmony” they want to present to the world.

Last spring, the issue of human rights in Tibet hit world headlines, and also came under media and political scrutiny in Ireland. At a Green Party conference in April, Environment Minister John Gormley made the following remarks, in the presence of Liu: “One country which has been exploited and suppressed and suffered for far too long is Tibet. We have always enjoyed good relations with the Chinese people, but we must condemn this abuse of human rights and call on the Chinese government to enter dialogue with the Dalai Lama.”

As the delegates applauded, Liu and his embassy aides left the hall.

“First of all, this was not respectful. I was irritated,” Liu recalls. “I am the guest, I went there on his invitation. To use such words, it is not respectful to me and of course to my country. Secondly he made a very low mistake… Tibet is the territory of China, [but] as a Government minister he referred to it as a country. I cannot understand that of course. It is absolutely unacceptable.

“I think it is very not right for him to condemn the human rights record in China. First, he knows nothing about China’s human rights. Secondly, he did not respect facts. Thirdly, I can say that there is no country with a perfect human rights record. He said wrong words about China’s human rights – it is unacceptable. So for that accident, I was irritated and lodged my protest.

“I did not know Mr Gormley. I can’t understand why he is so hostile to the Chinese people. But I believe it is just his point of view – not representing the Irish Government, and of course not representing the Irish people. After the incident I received a lot of phone-calls and letters both from Irish Government officials and ordinary Irish people who gave me a lot of support.”

Liu contends that negativity surrounding China’s human rights record emanates from those who “misunderstand” China, or who have a particular axe to grind.

“For some negative reports, the writers or reporters they have never been to China, they do not know about China and they have some misunderstanding. And with these reporters or journalists, I think we can communicate with one another, talk with each other so that we can improve understanding.

“And for some ill-willed [journalists] who create something from nothing just for tarnishing the image of China, of course we cannot accept this, I also feel unhappy and sometimes indignation because their attitude to Chinese people and to China is hostile. Of course we cannot accept this and we will fight back. So for different reports we should see it case by case. For me, when I read a report, I ask ‘What is the intention of this report?’”

Aside from disagreements surrounding the severity of human rights abuses in China, some feel that China’s hosting of the Olympic Games will ultimately improve the country’s approach to issues such as press freedom, enhancing as it will links and relationships between the Chinese and other nations. Speaking in another context, Liu says that “interpersonal contacts” are the way forward in increasing knowledge about China, and in enhancing information about other nationalities, such as the Irish, in China.

“So we should increase the personnel exchange and I think our embassy could play a role as a bridge – if each side has some good projects or opportunities we could promote these issues.”